Filenews 12 December 2025
By Max Hastings
Donald Trump describes Europe as a continent "in disintegration" and its leaders as "weak". It attributes responsibility for the continuation of the war in Ukraine to the country that was the victim of the invasion and to European governments. His latest statements, in an interview with Politico, are a dramatic escalation of the barrage of insults and untruths with which he practices international diplomacy.
Even before this outburst of anger, Polish leader Donald Tusk was among the many Europeans who expressed surprise at the anti-Europeanism of the new US National Security Strategy: "Dear American friends," Tusk wrote on social media last weekend, "Europe is your closest ally, not your problem... We must remain faithful to it... the only sensible strategy for our common security. Unless something has changed."
Which has obviously changed. The former head of the European Union's diplomacy, Josep Borrell, describes the NSS document as a "declaration of political war". He calls on European leaders to stop pretending that Trump is not our enemy, "hiding behind a fatal silence of complacency".
However, the reaction of most European political officials to Trump's rhetoric will remain rather restrained, as they know that the president is "eaten" for battle. Trump and his closest associates have made an unprecedented, historic decision. They are determined to establish a strategic, political, and trade partnership with Vladimir Putin's Russia and move America away from Europe.
The president hates the EU, which he sees as a "crook" who "exploits" America. It has openly pledged to weaken, if not completely destroy, the Union. The recent imposition of a $140 million fine by the EU on Elon Musk's X for alleged violations of social media regulations was described by Secretary of State Marco Rubio as an "attack on all American technology platforms and the American people by foreign governments."
The White House identifies the interests of the big US technology companies with its own and fights any foreign attempt to curb the abuse of power. In addition, Trump is asking the EU for a $600 billion investment guarantee for the US, which will be made at his own discretion.
It is now evident that his enthusiasm for the U.S. rapprochement with Russia is not a temporary aberration, as the continent's leaders had hoped since January. Instead, it's at the heart of his vision for MAGA.
Special envoy Steve Witkov made it clear last week when he referred to his recent meeting in Miami with Trump's son-in-law, Jared Kushner, and Kremlin envoy Kirill Dmitriev: "Russia has so many huge resources, vast tracts of land." If Russia, Ukraine and America become business partners, "everyone will prosper and participate, and there will be a benefit for everyone." Such comments led Tusk to point out that the ongoing negotiations between Russia and the US are not about peace in Ukraine, "they are about business".
It would be crazy for Europeans to respond in the same way to insults from Washington. It would fit Trump's plan and would almost certainly provoke a new series of attacks from the US through tariff increases. No diplomatic approach on the part of the Europeans is likely to change the view of a government that considers cooperation with Russia critical to dealing with China and believes that anything that happens in Europe and Ukraine is not in the legitimate interest of the United States.
In both the NSS document and the government's foreign policy rhetoric, there is no pretence of a moral dimension. It's all about money and "America First" – nothing else.
Trump's people despise liberal Europeans, who have dominated the continent's politics since 1945. They dislike their cultural arrogance, which is real. Most senior European politicians and diplomats believe, among themselves, that America's current leaders are ignorant savages.
MAGA supporters, for their part, detest the continent's indifferent attitude towards immigration. Trump's supporters are increasingly clear in promoting "white supremacy" and in their belief that France, Germany, Britain and other countries are betraying their cultural and ethnic heritage, allowing for the "elimination of civilization."
Washington's old convention on non-interference in the internal politics of allied countries has been abolished. The government is publicly declaring its support for the continent's far-right parties, some of which may indeed seize power soon.
France's former ambassador to the US, Gérard Aroult, describes the shocking point of the NSS document on Europe as "like a pamphlet of the far right", with his enthusiasm for "patriotic European parties" that "cultivate resistance to the current course of Europe".
The government now explicitly recognises Europe as an enemy, a region of the world where, as it claims, democracy and freedom of speech are seriously threatened. The White House seems to ignore Russia's status as an overt tyranny and the international view that the truth has disappeared from the vocabulary of the U.S. government.
The most obvious and urgent response to Trump and the new NSS is to rearm Europe. Much has been said on the subject. However, there is still no evidence that the Europeans can provide financial and military support to Ukraine on a scale that compensates for the US withdrawal. Trump's refusal to allow Tomahawk missiles to be sent to Kyiv, even if the Europeans pay for them, underscores his determination to work for a partnership with Russia in which Ukraine will surrender to the Kremlin's wolves.
Putin, meanwhile, sees every reason to maintain military pressure on President Volodymyr Zelensky's country. With Trump on his side, he has no reason to compromise on his demand for Kiev's effective surrender.
Almost no thinking European now believes that, if Russia proceeds with further aggressive actions, for example against the Baltic states, the Trump administration will honour its commitment to NATO and send military aid. U.S. political scientists Robert Kelly and Paul Post wrote this month in Foreign Affairs that Trump "appears to be leaning toward the view that alliances are not pillars of a mutually beneficial network, but elements of a system of blackmail for protection — and that it is time for the U.S. to reap the benefits."
Most Europeans, and indeed many American strategy gurus like Kelly and Post, expect that eventually the US will be forced to recognize that its current foreign policy is based on fantasies. Russia will not help the U.S. confront China. Putin will not honour any agreement with Washington that does not serve his own interests, which will never be the same as those of Western democracies. He is only seeking permission – which Trump seems willing to grant him – to seek to create a huge sphere of influence in Eastern Europe.
But "eventually" seems a long way off. At the moment, it is highly doubtful that Europe will be able to rally and mobilise its enormous economic power to create a credible arc of self-defence and security. "European leaders still visit the White House to flatter Trump, rather than reduce their dependence on him," Kelly and Post write.
Some Europeans still hope that, if the continent somehow manages to survive until 2028, the Trump nightmare will end. Then, relations between the U.S. and its traditional allies will pick up where they left off in January 2025. At this point, they harbour illusions. Even if his successor shows former allies more courtesy and less indifference, more moderate language and less shameless intimidation, America's course will likely remain the same.
The U.S. has a unique power in the world. Trump explicitly declares his determination to exercise it for the benefit of his own interests and no one else's. It is unlikely that his successor will seek to restore the country's old role as leader of what we once called the Free World.
Adaptation – Editing: Lydia Roubopoulou
