Filenews 6 September 2025
One of the drawbacks of Donald Trump's frequent threat to impose tariffs, attack, or even "subjugate" other countries is that he finds it difficult to cultivate friendly relations with foreign leaders. One of the few exceptions was Jair Bolsonaro, president of Brazil during Trump's first term in the White House.
The two men had a lot in common. Far-right populists have both challenged the rights of the LGBTQ community, cut university funding and relaxed environmental regulations. Both were adored by ardent supporters, but they also provoked hatred. Both refused to admit defeat in clean elections, citing unfounded allegations of electoral fraud, with their supporters storming government buildings in failed attempts to overturn the expressed popular will.
Bolsonaro affectionately called Trump "Cenourão" ("Big Carrot"), while the US president had sent him a souvenir with the dedication: "Zaire – You are great".
For some years their paths diverged, but Trump's recent return to power brought their friendship back to the forefront. Bolsonaro, accused of attempted coup and awaiting trial, asked his old ally to intervene on his behalf. Trump responded by threatening in July with 50 percent tariffs "on all Brazilian products imported into the U.S." unless the Brazilian government suspended prosecutions.
In a letter to Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, Trump called the trial a "witch hunt" that must end immediately, while accusing Lula of "attacks on democracy and freedom of speech." Lula reacted by stating: "Brazil is a sovereign state with independent institutions and will not accept any form of guardianship."
Although Trump eventually backed down from the initial global threat, he imposed targeted tariffs on commodities such as coffee and beef, but excluded strategic exportable goods such as aircraft, fertilizers, and oil. His selective attitude suggested that even a president who often violates the limits of his authority understands that the Bolsonaro case looks more like a personal service than a national interest.
At the White House, Deputy Spokeswoman Anna Kelly justified the intervention, accusing the Lula administration of violating the rights of American citizens and businesses. "President Trump will always stand up for what is right," he said.
Dogma
Trump's foreign policy hardly fits into traditional dogmas. He is not exactly an isolationist – he has approved military strikes in Yemen and against Iran's nuclear facilities – but he is also also a consistent interventionist, since he promises to avoid long-term engagements and return troops from abroad. He insists that the criterion of his decisions is the slogan "America First". However, his insistence on saving Bolsonaro shows that the priority is not always the U.S., but often his personal interest.
Atlantic Council analyst Matthew Kranig notes that the world map for Trump is divided along the lines of "the U.S. and everyone else." That is why it treats allies and adversaries with the same perspective: if a country is considered to be "exploiting" the US through trade agreements, it is justified to impose tariffs, regardless of the political system.
Max Bergman of CSIS points out that traditionally Washington has seen international relations through the prism of shared values, while now Trump's logic is purely transactional. The result is sometimes spectacular: it has forced NATO countries to increase their defense spending and has shown unpredictable cruelty towards Iran. However, his ill-advised tactics have also led to blunders, such as his obsession with Denmark's "buying" of Greenland or his attempt to portray Zelensky as an aggressor in the Ukraine war.
In the field of international trade, Trump has succeeded in imposing conditions on partners such as the United Kingdom, Japan and the European Union. In July, Ursula von der Leyen was forced to accept 15 percent tariffs on most European exports to the U.S., sparking outrage among member states of the 27-nation union. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban said: "This is not an agreement. Trump ate von der Leyen for breakfast."
Diversification
Analysts point out that, unlike his predecessors, Trump does not believe in long-term alliances. "If you don't make a very good deal here and now with him, you're just as bad as his worst enemy," said Rachel Tausenfroid of the German Council on Foreign Relations. In Europe, a strategy of "diversification" is now being discussed, opening up to new markets in Asia, Africa and Latin America, in order to reduce dependence on the United States.
Whether Trump's tariffs will pay off remains uncertain. The economic consequences have not yet been fully seen, and several trading partners have not reached an agreement with Washington. In Brazil, however, his harsh letter to Lula had the opposite effect: it strengthened his political position, raising his acceptance in the run-up to the next presidential election.
Bolsonaro, on the other hand, remains in an unfavourable position: he is awaiting trial, is considered a fugitive suspect and is under house arrest with electronic surveillance. The "Trump First" doctrine may have garnered him international attention, but not the freedom he sought.
